Naxal movement is gaining momentum with every passing day. It has spread its tentacles to 200 districts of India. The question arises why the Naxals have been able to expand their area of influence and operations over the years to become a serious threat to the India’s internal security. This is due to multiple factors. The failure of the administration to make sure that the benefits of development percolate down to the common man, especially tribals should be considered as the main factor. The Naxal infested states have large tribal populations with poor infrastructure.
According to India’s Shankar Aiyar, “Each of the 80 worst Naxal-affected districts has no schools, poor heath care, exploitative feudalism, no employment opportunities and pathetic social infrastructure.” Over 0.3 million villages have no road connectivity.
As a case in point, Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh is on the list of 100 worst-affected districts for the past two decades. Corruption, displacement due to large scale projects, inability to avail of benefits from mining of mineral resources, and exploitation by local officials are enough to multiply resentment and increase reception to Naxal ideology.
Another factor is that Naxals have become more organised rather than a scattered force. Naxals model themselves on the Indian army, from training manuals to undercover training. The manuals translated into Hindi from Telugu by the security forces give a chilling insight into People’s Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) planning military skills and motives. This is very similar to the training of a Jawan or even a JCO.
The PLGA’s basic military courses begin with handling automatic weapons, compass and map reading, defensive and attack formations. The manual analyses Naxal operations since 1997 and suggests means to increase enemy casualty.
It discusses how to collect intelligence, stalk the enemy, and lay an ambush and attack. It also instructs how to retreat when attacked, regroup later using coded communication and how to raid protection installations.
The fighting forces of Naxals are divided into three categories. The primary force is of extremely well-trained personnel who spearhead any attack with superior weapons. The secondary force forms the bulk of a large group with less sophisticated weapons. Finally, the people’s militia comprises on poor farmers, labourers and such other people.
Naxals have over 80 training camps, each training between 200 to 300 people at any point. There are 84 training camps which are operating in several states such as Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Jharkhand.
In such circumstances supporting Naxals is far better option for the locals. 200 out of 600 districts are under Naxalite rule. They rule there because the people in these places support them in a majority and believe in them because the Naxals give them food, money and land, snatched from the rich land owners. To the people against whom they fight are villains and terrorists but the people for whom they fight are the heroes.
Indian government cannot stop the growth of Naxals through police, Salwa Judum or the military. It can only do so by erasing the reasons of Naxal movement. The Naxal belt is trapped in a vicious cycle of underdevelopment and violence. The foot soldiers of the movement believe that the Naxal movement will bring about development and prosperity. So the government can reduce people’s appeal for the movement by providing opportunities to the people of Naxal belt through sound economic and infrastructural development programmes. Despite well aware of the reasons that are behind the rise of Naxalism, Indian government is only depending upon force to end that problem.
At a time when India is a desperate aspirant for the United Nations Security Council permanent seat, it must look towards Naxals and uprisings in other northeastern states, and clean the stigma of Naxalism from its face.