Massive rally against tiger project

Gudalur, (T.Nadu), Dec 31 : Over 50,000 people, including tribals, took part in a protest rally here on Tuesday, demanding immediate withdrawal of notification to declare Mudumalai area in Nilgiris district as a 'tiger reserve', saying it would displace thousands of people.
The rally, organised under the banner of People's Livelihood Rights Protection Movement, termed the notification of the 'critical tiger habitat' as "illegal" and it was given without the consent of the gram sabhas and without any scientific investigation.
The traffic on the Ooty-Kozhikode and Ooty-Mysore road was totally paralysed for about four hours, as the participants squatted on the road in protest of the creation of Tiger Project.
In a resolution adopted at the rally, in which Congress MP, R Prabhu and former AIADMK Minister, A Miller and local MLAs also participated, demanded that the Forest Right Recognition Act 2006, which recognised the livelihood rights of the people and protected their traditional rights, be immediately implemented.
Another resolution said, action should be taken under Section seven of the Act against the forest department officials, who had allegedly violated the law.
All the shops and commercial establishments in this town downed their shutters in support of the rally.
READ MORE - Massive rally against tiger project

Hindu Maoists form new group, say Orissa Police

By Debabrata Mohanty

Bhubaneswar, Dec 31 : The police in Orissa believe the killing of Laxmanananda Saraswati has split the Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist), with some Hindu members breaking away to form a rival group called the IDGA-Maoist.

In fact, the new group has called for a bandh in Kandhamal, Gajapati and Ganjam districts on January 3 when it will formally come into being.

Some posters of the new group have been spotted in Kandhamal. “We are keenly watching the formation of the new group,” said DIG Sanjib Panda.

The police said IDGA-Maoist is an acronym for “Idealise of Democrat Garila (Guerrilla) Army (Maoist)”. The breakaway IDGA’s posters have denounced the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), the military wing of the CPI-Maoist, and its leader Sabyasachi Panda for the VHP leader’s death.

Though it is yet to be established whether the splinter group would actually take off on January 3, police officials admit there have been rumblings in the Maoist ranks after the Swami’s killing on August 23.

In October, CPI(Maoist) leader Sabyasachi Panda had told a few mediapersons that his cadres had killed Saraswati for trying to convert tribals into Hindus.

“We had asked Laxmanananda to desist from anti-Christian activities. He created a riot in December 2007 and subsequently targeted people indulging in cow slaughter,” he had said.

Ads By Google
“It is a fact that Christians are in majority in our organisation. Our supporters in Orissa’s Rayagada, Gajapati and Kandhamal also belong to the Christian community,” said the DIG.

“The persons who have broken away could be Hindus. Everything would be clear after the January 3 bandh call,” he added.
READ MORE - Hindu Maoists form new group, say Orissa Police

Tripura tribal parties oppose proposed wildlife sanctuary

Agartala, Dec 31 : Tribal political parties in Tripura Monday launched a statewide agitation against the Left Front government's move to evict thousands of villagers for creating a wildlife sanctuary.
The Indigenous Nationalist Party of Tripura (INPT), a political ally of the main opposition Congress, organised protest rallies and demonstrations in 18 tribal dominated places across Tripura.
"More than 100,000 tribal people in three sub-divisions - Gandachara, Amarpur and Ambassa - in southern and northern Tripura would be displaced from their homes if the wildlife sanctuary is created," said Rabindra Debbarma, INPT general secretary.
"The respective sub-divisional magistrates have already issued notices to the 1,200 tribal residents of 19 villages to submit details of their lands," he told journalists.
The tribal wing of the main opposition Congress and some other smaller parties also have threatened to oppose the government's move. About a third of Tripura's 3.5 million people are tribals.
"The tribal people were earlier evicted from their homes and lands when the Dambur hydel project was commissioned in south Tripura in 1974 from the three hill ranges - Atharamura, Kalazhari and Bhagaban tilla bordering Bangladesh," Debbarma said.
Tripura Forest Minister Jitendra Chowdhury, however, denied any such move for creating a new wildlife sanctuary.
"We are planning to create a 'Critical Habitat Area' for the elephants and a few other endangered wild animals in southern and northern Tripura. The latest census has shown that the elephant population has gone up from 38 in 2002 to 59 now," Chowdhury said.
The minister said: "In the past four years, 519 cases of 'man-animal conflict' have been registered and the move is aimed to raise the animals' vegetation and fodder and help in their conservation."
"The government will not evict a single family. Only some tribe-wise regrouping is likely to be done," the forest minister said.
Veteran tribal leader Dinesh Debbarma, also the general secretary of the Congress' tribal wing, said: "The Left Front government is once again conspiring against the poor tribal people to evict them from their home lands." (IANS)
READ MORE - Tripura tribal parties oppose proposed wildlife sanctuary

Hungerstrike in Lalgarh, tribals still simmering

Kolkata, Dec 31 : Over a hundred tribals organised a hungerstrike in front of the district magistrate’s office in West Midnapore on Tuesday, demanding implementation of the Forest Right Act, 2006. Tribals alleged that the government had not taken initiatives to prepare a development plan according to the provisions of the Act.
Various tribal organisations such as Lodha Sabar Kalyan Samiti, Midnapore Suraksha Samiti participated in the strike. Tribal leader Chattradhar Mahato said the strike will continue till the administration agrees to implement the Act.
Mahato also announced that tribals will launch a fresh movement in the district because the administration has not kept its promises as per the talks held on December 8 at Lalgarh. Many tribal organisations will participate in the movement to be organised across the district from January 3, he added. Mahato alleged that the government had not penalised the policemen, who had assaulted the women at Lalgarh during raids in villages after the Salboni blast on November 2.
District Magistrate of West Midnapore N S Nigam said the government has already undertaken many development projects in tribal areas. The district administration has asked the tribal organisations to put forth their demands. “They are now demanding for the employment of Lodha tribes in state government services. Such demands could not be accepted,” said Nigam.
READ MORE - Hungerstrike in Lalgarh, tribals still simmering

Green to Grey

Ahmedabad, dec 31 : The Forest Survey of India conducted by the Ministry of Environment and Forests in 2003 says Gujarat has already lost 206 square kilometres of forests. This may be ascribed to a massive destruction of green cover in the tribal belt in south Gujarat and other parts of the state. It has resulted due to tribals claiming their lands under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forests Rights) Act, 2006. Asiatic Lions got a fresh lease of life after the government, for the first time, took the issue of lions seriously and equipped foresters on protection brief with new vehicles and more staff. The Leopard, however, continued to suffer with a many instances of cubs getting charred to death in the sugarcane fields during the traditional harvest process in south Gujarat. Foresters have no clue how to go about it.
Invoking Naari Shakti, the Forest department, for the first time, recruited women to guard forests and convince their counterparts in the tribal belt to preserve green cover and not to waste it as fuel.
READ MORE - Green to Grey

International seminar on Myths & Superstition vis-a-vis Tribal Society inaugurated


International seminar on Myths & Superstition vis-a-vis Tribal Society inaugurated
Union Minister, Ministry of Human Resources Development Shri Arjun Singh in the inaguration ceremony of international seminar on Myths & Superstition vis-a-vis Tribal Society at KISS Campus, Bhubaneswar on Tuesday.

Bhubaneswar (Orissa): Union Minister, Ministry of Human Resources Development Shri Arjun Singh inaguarted a two-day International Seminar on Myths & Superstition vis-a-vis Tribal Society at KISS Campus on Tuesday. The seminar organized and sponsored by Kalinga Institute of Social Sciences (KISS).

Inaugurating the seminar, Shri Singh said that the tribal society is very sincere towards their God and nature. Myths and superstitions reflect rich cultural heritage of the society, he observed.

The educated people have played a key role in the depletion of forests while the tribals love the nature, live in the nature and are devoted to the nature, he said. He also extended his best wishes to Dr. Samanta for his endeavors and dedication for educating the tribal community.

SC & ST development Minister Chaitanya Prasad Majhi underscored the importance of extending the reach of education to poor tribal community. The development of the country depends upon the education adding that seminars of this nature are important to bring a positive outcome.

He appreciated the works of Dr. Samanta, saying that KISS has emerged as an institution of great relevance, which has attracted luminaries from across the world.

In his welcome address, Dr. Achuyta Samanta, Founder, KIIT Group of Institutions and Chief Patron of the seminar expressed his gratitude to all the invited guests for visiting KISS and participating in the seminar.

He expressed confidence that this seminar will be a fruitful exercise in drawing policies for the benefit of the world attention towards the problems of the tribal and help the planners and policy makers to formulate tribal.

The proposed seminar will have a detailed discussion on various tribal issues and problems in the light of their existing Myths and Superstition. It attended by a large number of eminent academicians, scholars and researchers from India and abroad besides representatives from major corporate, industrial giants, private and government tribal institutions and NGOs.

Among others, Prof. (Dr.) Hari Gautam, Chancellor, KIIT University, Prof. S. C. De. Sarkar, Vice Chancellor, Dr. A. K. Rath, IAS, Prof. C. D. Singh, VC, IGNTU, Madhya Pradesh, Mr. Peter Linford, Australia, Mr. Paul Walse, Director, Futurehope, London, Mr. T. C. V. Subramaniana, CMD, EXIM Bank, noted social activist Padmashree Tulasi Munda and many other distinguished personalities and a large number of students and staffs were present on the occasion.
READ MORE - International seminar on Myths & Superstition vis-a-vis Tribal Society inaugurated

Social Insecurity

While western Gujarat prospers, the 14 eastern districts comprising the ‘eastern tribal belt’ still struggle for a daily living. The farm crisis has led to more than 500 farmer committing suicide over the past four years. While Gujarat is amongst the top three 15 largest states in India in terms of attracting industrial investments— and stands fourth in terms of per capita income—it has fallen to the sixth position in education, ninth in health, 12th in public participation and 13th in environment indices.

The state also has a higher per capita debt-ratio, more than even UP and Bihar. Also, contrary to public perception, Gujarat’s gender indices are almost frightening. The sex ratio in the state is 921:1000 with the juvenile sex ratio even further down to 878:1000. The state is placed at the sixth position among the 15 largest states of India in terms of human development and gender development.

Even industrial growth in Gujarat is being propelled by highly toxic, polluting and hazardous industries – textile, dyeing, ship breaking, diamond polishing among others. Health issues apart, labour laws are still a joke in Gujarat — and it is no wonder that the state is ranked eighth in India in terms of minimum wages.
Overall it is a bitter picture of increasing GDP with declining expenditure on the social sector in Gujarat as in the past decade
Half Life
Women in Gujarat tend to be safer in public places than in the privacy of their homes. Gujarat takes special pride in protecting its women, even eve teasing is rare. But, in the privacy of their homes, women still battle for their right to exist, as the state’s skewed sex ratio demonstrates, with female foeticide rampant – more so among the urban middle and dominant, prosperous classes.
Gujarat government has launched a Beti Bachao Abhiyaan (save the girl child), with incentives for the education and well-being of girls. But the state government has yet to crack down on doctors and laboratories that continue with sex determination tests, with no major arrests being made as such. Doctors’ associations have, at best, pay lip service to the cause, mostly perfunctory resolutions.
The Patan gangrape – wherein a Dalit girl student was gangraped by her six teachers in a government-run Primary Teachers’ Training college, was another one such wart. The girl had to later seek protection from her own father, with her custody being granted to an NGO, even as the fast track court trial is still on. The state government ordered an inquiry following mounting public pressure, even as the chief minister gave Rs 1 lakh to the victim — for having dared to file a complaint.
Godhra Ghost
If many of the riot-affected people hailed the 11 convictions in the Bilkis Banu case as a triumph of justice, the announcement of the first part of the Nanavati Commission Report in the Godhra train burning incident raised more questions than answers.
The year also witnessed the appointment of the Special Investigation Team (SIT) by the Supreme Court, headed by former CBI chief R K Raghavan for fresh investigations in the ten most heinous cases of Godhra and post-Godhra killings. With the police and the judicial system in the state under fire over the handling of the 2002 riot cases, it was left to the Supreme Court-appointed special courts and special teams to ensure a fair investigation six years after the incidents. The SIT did finally question state minister Maya Kodnani and VHP leader Jaydeep Patel: both accused of playing a key role in the Naroda Patiya massacres .
The state government-appointed Nanavati Commission tabled only the first part of the report that claimed to deal only with the Sabarmati Express carnage and gave a clean chit to Chief Minister Narendra Modi in the riots that followed the incident, and which the Commission has yet to report on. The Nanavati report underlined the conspiracy theory behind the train carnage, contradicting the Railway ministry-appointed UC Banerjee Commission’s findings.
Writer’s Block
The literary scene during 2008 remained a mixed bag with private efforts trying to keep it afloat. But the official indifference made sure the language academies remained comatose with no government representatives appointed. A procession of books, which was taken out in Gandhinagar as part of a three-day event by the Gandhinagar Cultural Forum, was perhaps the only visible sign of some activity in the literary field. For a city of overburdened bureaucrats and politicians, this was a modest attempt to change its image of being a place where nothing moves but files. Chief Minister Narendra Modi also tried to contribute to the attempt in his own way by coming out with his books—one of his own poems and the other, of his short stories. These, ostensibly, were written much before he had succeeded Keshubhai Patel.
The year marked two Sahitya Academy awards coming Gujarat’s way. One was announced for Gujarati short story writer Suman Shah and the other to Urdu poet Jayant Parmar. So far, only three Hindu poets have bagged the poetry award in the Academy’s history. Earlier, the award had gone to Firaq Gorakhpuri (1960), Anand Narayan Mulla (1964) and Balraj Komal (1985). Parmar is also the first Dalit poet to bag this award. The only “live” language academy in Gujarat is the Kachchhi Academy and the state government need not be blamed for this. It was formed only a couple of years ago and its five-year term has not ended. Maybe this New Year, the government may consider appointing its nominees in other academies and pull them from the tenterhooks.
Riot Acts
The 2002 riots are invariably cited as 'cause' for almost every terror strike in the country; and whenever that happens, Gujarat simmers with communal tension. There were no big conflagrations in 2008, but the undercurrents of distrust and hate remained. This was true in the case of real estate agents of Surat, who resolved not to sell or rent property to Muslims, post 26/11.
The Gujarat coastline was used for the most daring intrusions by terrorists during the Mumbai terror attack. But Gujaratis responded with extraordinary calm after the July 26 Ahmedabad blasts that killed 56 people, including children and doctors in hospitals, and left hundreds injured. For once, there was not much finger pointing, and the state largely put up a united front partaking each other’s grief.
The Ahmedabad blasts were followed by a blast in Modasa during the month of Ramzan. A youth was killed outside a mosque. Gujaratis once again stood together, even as competitive politicking and counter terrorism rhetoric took over. While scars run deep; lives remain torn apart and support is still away: the state government is yet to compensate the Modasa blast victim’s kin, while the injured in the Ahmedabad blasts are still awaiting succour from the Centre.
A Tiny Big Hope
So far, TaTa Motors’ Nano project, hyped as the Rs 2,000-crore force multiplier for the investment-hungry state, may have appeared to fructify a slew of realty investments in Ahmedabad and the outskirts of Sanand. Others are still in the pipeline. But Gujarat did attract the largest quantum of investments in 2007-08, according to a study by the Reserve Bank of India.
With a proposed investment of Rs 62,442 crore in 100 projects, Gujarat continued to occupy the top spot as far as investment intention was concerned. The state has been consistently exhibiting higher growth rates than the national growth average and steadily clocked an average growth rate of more than 10 per cent in the last five years. On every front, be it infrastructure, foreign investment or the investments by the existing companies, the state has attracted investments.
Special Economic Zones (SEZ) is another area where Gujarat has excelled. Big players like Suzlon Infrastructure Ltd announced their engineering products SEZ at Vaghodia in Vadodara.
Petrochemical is another area where Gujarat is making its presence felt. Jamnagar refinery, with an aggregate crude oil processing capacity of 1.24 million barrels per day, including old and new refineries, became the sixth largest refinery in the world. The secondary processing units are now under synchronisation and commissioning. The entire refinery complex is expected to attain full capacity.
Health Concerns
According to the Reserve Bank of India, Gujarat fares poorly in the social sector. In fact, it is placed 17th among the18 big states in India. The reason: only 31.6 per cent of the state’s budgetary expenditure is in the social sector. The result: 74.3 per cent of women and 46.3 per cent of children in the state are anaemic. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS 2005-06) had showed that in Gujarat, 47 per cent of children below 5 years are underweight as a result of malnutrition.
Even among adults, nearly one-third of the population has a Body Mass Index of below normal. Moving to Maternal and Child Health, only half the mothers in the state receive postnatal institutional care. This reflects on the overall state Infant Mortality Rate (deaths of children within a year of birth) — 54 per 1,000 babies, which goes up to 64 per 1,000 babies in the rural areas. Gujarat stands ninth in respect of overall IMR in the country. Even in terms of Neo-Natal Mortality, which is the death of infants within the first month of birth, the state stands eighth in the country.
Thoda Wish Karo...
* A Gujarat that can deal firmly with the grim spectre of 2002, and appear to be justly doing so.
* A Gujarat that can take care of the continuing hunger of about half its marginalised population even as it seeks to forge ahead on its double digit growth rate.
* A Gujarat where people can find homes and jobs irrespective of their religion, caste, class, food habits; and where there is enough mental, social and physical space for all.
* A Gujarat, where errant medics and hospitals will be actually prosecuted for abetting or committing female foeticide.
* A Gujarat, where manual scavenging and chakar pratha (a form of bonded labour) will cease to exist.
* A Gujarati literary milieu that will tolerate the satire of Saadat Hasan Manto on its social divisions and warts, the vigour of Vijay Tendulkar’s drama, and the poetry of Gadar for its forgotten Dalits and tribals.
* A Gujarat, which can protect its forests and wildlife, and which can let the Asiatic lion roam free beyond Gir.
* A Gujarat where the east and the west come together; and the term 'Eastern Tribal Belt' signifying deprivation ceases to exist.
* A Gujarat where the civil society stands up for what it believes in; and fights for what it stood for.
* A Gujarat where every child gets value-based education, is well-nourished, and is willing to dream and dream 'BIG'.
READ MORE - Social Insecurity

Pranab against acquisition of tribal land

BEHRAMPORE, Dec. 30 : Expressing concern over evicting tribal population from their own land, veteran Congress leader and union external affairs minister Mr Pranab Mukherjee today said that despite having parliamentary legislation that prohibited tribal land transfer, the tribes were losing their land in many parts of the country as the state government hardly took action against such illegal activity. 


The state governments need to stop acquisition of tribal land and ensure that the tribes’ right to minor forest products gets protected, he said. Mr Mukherjee also pointed out that many state governments could not utilise the tribal development funds released by the Central government. Especially, in the field of education, the tribal population lagged behind due to the failure of state governments to make the most of tribal development projects, he said. He also reminded the state government to set up schools, colleges and hostels for tribal students to enhance their skills in modern technology and education. After all, the government must make full utilisation of money allotted for the development of the tribes, he said. 


The Congress leader today attended a tribal sports and cultural programme at Chanak village of Nabagram block in Jangipur, his Lok Sabha constituency. 
READ MORE - Pranab against acquisition of tribal land

Orissa for steps to delete 'Kui' from list of tribals

Bhubaneswar, dec 30 : In a bid to resolve the controversial fake caste certificate issue, believed to have contributed in triggering Kandhamal flare-up, the Orissa government has proposed deletion of the term 'kui' from the list of tribals.
Official sources said today that the government convened a meeting of the state level Tribal Advisory Committee on January 19 to formally decide on deleting the term from the tribal list, they said.
A large section of population including the Scheduled Caste people converted to Christianity in Kandhamal, had been obtaining Scheduled Tribe certificate by claiming that they were Kui tribals, reports said.
According to a senior official in the SC and ST development department, though Kui was a language, it had been considered as a specific tribal group and therefore got a place in the list of tribals.
The demand for tribal certificate was more because of the existing law which does not allow a SC person to avail benefits after getting converted to other religion. But the same law allows a tribal to retain his tribal staus and get benefits even as he converts to any other religion.
"Though a large number of people speak Kui language in Kandhamal, all of them were not tribals", the official said adding that the tribals with surname like Kanhar, Majhi and others speak kui language. But there was no specific group known as Kui tribe as Kui was never a tribe but a language.
READ MORE - Orissa for steps to delete 'Kui' from list of tribals

Samiti slams state for fostering tribal, SC tension

PHULBANI, Dec 30 : The Adivasi and Harijan Surakshya Samiti, a statewide body which recently formed its Kandhamal district unit, has criticised the district administration and state government for ‘mishandling’ the situation and allowing certain individuals to create tension between tribals and schedule castes.

Holding a emergent meeting of the Samiti here yesterday, tribal as well as SC members decided to hold a peace rally on 21st January to ease the tension between the two sections.


The Samiti members demanded stringent action against few people who were fomenting trouble in the district. Though they did not name anybody, implicit references were made to the activities of Lambodhar Kanhar and the kind of government patronage he was receiving.


It may be noted here that Kanhar has projected himself as a leader of the tribals in the district.
Long term peace can only be established of the culprits are booked and the administration acts impartially observed the Samiti members while noting that both tribals and SC people had been living together in the district since centuries and neither side had ever resorted to such large-scale continued violence.


The Samiti meeting was presided by tribal leader Sasibhusan Mallick. A steering committee was also constituted under the chairmanship of Loknath Mallick to organise the mega peace rally.
READ MORE - Samiti slams state for fostering tribal, SC tension

30,000 tribal girls missing in Sundargarh

Sundargarh: Even though the State and Central Government-sponsored poverty-alleviation schemes are being implemented over decades in the tribals-dominated Sundargarh district, which is rich in natural resources and booming with both mini and mega industries, its poverty-ridden tribal minor and major girls are being sold out as commodities in the virtually slave market of the national capital of Delhi. Such a startling revelation has come to the fore following the arrest of a woman racketeer Sukra Badaik recently.

Sources informed that Badaik is a habitual offender and she has been nabbed many a time. Badaik was once again in the police dragnet due to the initiative of an NGO Child Line.

Badaik admitted that she sells each tribal girl at Rs 2,000 and the Delhiites, purchase the gullible girls, exploit on their whims. At the out set, the girl has to lose her original identity and she is rechristened with a fake name so that she cannot be traced either by her family members or by the police.
With every change of master, the name goes on altering. Badaik is unable to locate the whereabouts of the girls, whom she has already sold out, she confessed, adding that she has trafficked over 20 tribal girls from the district and her family members have assisted in her modus operandi.

Initially, each member of such a racket, connecting Delhi to Sundargarh, is recruited and trained thoroughly so that he or she can easily lure the innocent and poor tribal girls with lucrative job prospects in Delhi.
Once having crossed the threshold of one’s respective nativity, the job hunter is lost for ever.

Over 30,000 tribal girls hailing from Subdega and Balishankara blocks under Talsara constituency, Kutra and Rajgangpur blocks under Rajgangpur constituency, Birkera and Bisra blocks under Lathikata constituency, Kuanrmunda block under Birmitrapur constituency and Koida and Gurundia blocks under Bonai constituency have reportedly gone missing.

Stringent legislation and proper implementation by the law-enforcement agencies to rescue those missing girls and initiating measures to dissuade the victims from being fallen easy prey to such racket is the need of the hour, local urged. (Pioneer 10/12/08)
READ MORE - 30,000 tribal girls missing in Sundargarh

JP Government and Hindu fundamentalists BOTH against Christians in Orissa

Catholic authorities in Orissa have decided to appeal to the central government to stop an anti-Christian campaign launched in this eastern Indian state by local Hindu fundamentalists, police and media.

The Times of India yesterday reported three Christians were assaulted suspected of converting residents in the village of Gopinath, Balasore district. In another story, police reported a man was beaten by Christians for refusing to convert. Such contradictory accounts are part of a trend targeting “conversions”.

Mgr Thomas Thiruthalil, Bishop of Balasore, told AsiaNews that the issue of conversions “is a tool easily used by extremist groups who want to arouse communal passion”.

“Anti-social elements are taking advantage of the Orissa Freedom of Religion Act,” the Bishop said, “to intimidate Tribals with the knowledge and consent of the local administration”.

The Act prohibits forced conversion but is used as a legal instrument to threaten Tribals most of whom are illiterate and easily swayed by fundamentalists and politicians.

Bishop Thiruthalil, who is also chairman of the Orissa Bishops’ Regional Council, said he was going to write the Home minister to urge him to investigate this matter.

John Dayal, President of the All India Catholic Union, said that claims about forced conversions are fabricated by fundamentalists whilst stories about anti-Christian violence are all true.

“Why,” Mr Dayal asks, “is the Orissa police not as zealous in investigating anti-Christian incidents as it is when just the word ‘conversion’ is uttered?”

Orissa is under a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) administration, a party that till May of this year also controlled the Union government. It is also a stronghold of Hindu fundamentalism. Groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) or World Hindu Council, the BJP’s extremist religious wing, and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) or National Volunteer Corps, a Hindu paramilitary organisation, are very active in the state. They are well known for their anti-religious minority ideology.

Source:Link

The news above is a prime example of so called democracy in India, but it is clear from the news, and Indian history too, that in the Indian dictionary the word should have been replaced with HINDU DEMOCRACY.

My message to the minorities of India incl Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Buddhists and Dalits, is to try and stop these Hindu terrorists in India. Please rise against such genocidal govts before its too late, and crush those who discriminate on the basis of birth, colour, or caste. And my appeal to those Hindus who do not support such barbaric acts of terrorism against other human beings, is to not allow these fundamentalist groups such as RSS, BJP, VHP and the likes to manipulate the common peace loving people of India. Enough is enough, these govts in India have inflicted pain and death on hundreds of thousands already, please don’t allow them to flourish such terrorist organisations any further, as that may burn India in its own fire within, given the amount of minorities that co-exist. And that wont help any common man in India or Pakistan in any shape or form. It will be a loss for every one concerned including those politicians who manipulate religion to gain votes.

source: pro-pakistan.com
READ MORE - JP Government and Hindu fundamentalists BOTH against Christians in Orissa

Dumka tremors felt in east India

By GAUTAM SARKAR

Dumka, Dec 29:
The state government is still facing the heat over the Kathikund police firing. The incident has become a national issue with social activists and organisations taking to the streets for alleged atrocities against Adivasis in Jharkhand.
Detention of noted social activist and Magsaysay award winner Sandeep Pandey by the Dumka police on Saturday has earned flak from activists across the country. Pandey was on his way to Amgachi village when he was detained
On December 27, a team from the postgraduate department of Gandhian philosophy of Tilka Manjhi University, Bhagalpur, visited the family members of Lukiram Tudu, who died in Kathikund firing, at Daldali. The team also visited other villages such as Amgachi, Pokharia, Saraipani and Amarpani. People in these villages were fighting to protect their land.
National convener of Gandhi Vichar Manch, Ajit Sinha, with professor Bijoy along with Ganga Mukti Andolan’s Shyam Sundar, Angika Sahitya Sammelan’s Bhagwan Pralay along with dozens of social activist visited the areas and conducted survey. The team alleged that the Kathikund incident was the result of apathy towards tribals.
According to Sinha, the social workers would start a non-violent movement in Bhagalpur against the gross injustice shown towards the tribals. “The movement would also be initiated in Patna and other parts of the country to mount pressure on Jharkhand government to provide adequate compensation to the victim families,” Sinha said.
READ MORE - Dumka tremors felt in east India

Chopper vigil on Christmas

Bhubaneswar, Dec 29 : A helicopter hovered over Kandhamal today as Christians in the riot-scarred Orissa district went to church to pray.
State police chief Manmohan Praharaj said the helicopter was provided by the Centre for aerial patrolling in Kandhamal and the neinghbouring district of Gajapati.
Praharaj said he himself went on aerial surveys in Baliguda, Brahmanigaon, G Udaygiri, Tiakabali and Raikia areas of Kandhamal and some areas in Gajapati.
“Surveillance by helicopter helps build confidence among people who are afraid of coming out of their villages,” Praharaj told PTI.
“I have visited several churches in Kandhamal and people were found to be happy with the security arrangement,” the state police chief said.
The archbishop of the Cuttack-Bhubaneswar diocese, Raphael Cheenath, agreed the prayers had been peaceful everyhere. “We had a very peaceful Christmas at all places in Kandhamal and in the coastal districts,” he said.
No report of violence was received from other communally sensitive districts either, Praharaj said.
Communal riots broke out in Orissa in August-September after the murder of a Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader, Swami Laxmananda Saraswati. Sixty people died, most of them Christians.
Sangh parivar outfits had called a bandh on Christmas but at L.K. Advani’s instance it was called off as the BJP did not want to lose ally Biju Janata Dal before general elections.
Union home minister P. Chidambaram called up Orissa chief minister Naveen Patnaik yesterday urging him to ensure a peaceful Christmas. Naveen directed the police to take all possible steps to ensure a trouble-free Christmas.
Praharaj today visited the area of Barakhama in Kandhamal where Hindu tribals had organised a congregation under the banner of the Kui Samaj Samanwaya Samiti to commemorate the “martyrdom” of Khageswar Mallick, who was killed in the riots. Christians too wanted to hold service in a church near the site. The district administration persuaded the Hindu tribals to move away from the church and organise the meeting.
Low-key celebration
A Catholic church in a Nadia village in West Bengal held a low-key midnight mass yesterday to protest the attacks on Christians in Orissa.
The Saguna church will send the money it has saved from its celebrations to the Christians in Kandhamal.
READ MORE - Chopper vigil on Christmas

The man who would be Sir MV

His dream was to follow in the footsteps of Sir M Visvesvaraya -- the maker of modern Karnataka -- and build another Krishnaraja Sagar (KRS) dam.

Towards this, he marshalled both his creative and technical faculties. He not only became an engineer, a la Sir M V but also wrote a poem expressing his impatience about the wait! But destiny dealt him a different hand when he cleared the IAS exam in 1980 and found himself in state administration.

Veerappa Parameshwarappa Baligar, an IIT Mumbai graduate -- same batch as Infosys chairman Nandan Nilekani -- is today a powerful bureaucrat who is principal secretary to chief minister B S Yeddyurappa. Obviously, there are no regrets. "I could not build the dam, but now I am guarding one: the system in the bureaucracy. So eager was I to become an engineer and construct a dam that in 1979 I wrote a poem Kannambadi Kaayutiddene (guarding Kannambadi)," laughs the man who is forever on his cell phone. To those new to the fabled KRS story, Kannambadi is a village in Mysore where the KRS dam is located.

His aesthetically designed house `Shampavi' (the name has been derived from his village Shigli, where P stands for his father's name, S his mother Shankaramma and the V are the family members) in BTM layout, Bangalore, is the only thing that he's ended up building in concrete. A house that barely sees him in daylight. He walks into his home late at night, leaves in the morning with the wake-up call coming from his boss: the CM. His presence in the house is so minimal that his wife, Vinaya Prabha, says good-humouredly: "It's easier to see him on TV.''

He is the son of a progressive farmer in Shigli, Gadag district, who ensured that all his children, eight boys and three girls, got the best of education. Baligar's older brother Manu, a KAS officer, is today director, Kannada and culture. Says Baligar fondly of his father: "He had engaged an yoga, wrestling and Malkan coach for us. He set high benchmarks -- if you are a sportsperson, qualify for Olympics and if a politician, nothing less than the prime minister's post will do. This resulted in all of us topping in school, so much so, when former DyCM M P Prakash used to visit our school as chief guest, he would say in a lighter vein: "Only Baligar's children walk away with the medals.'' A Congressman, Baligar Sr when offered a ticket declined, saying if he were to become a politician, he would end up neglecting his children!

Baligar today staunchly believes that it is possible to stay straight and narrow in an environment where people accept and even expect politicians and bureaucrats to be venal. Says he: "As Karnataka Power Transmission Corporation chairman, I used to administer an oath of integrity to officers. I continue to do so for officers who walk into my chamber now. One can still remain honest, deliver goods and make a difference to the present system.''

A stable, supportive family helps. His wife, a psycho-therapist and Hindustani singer, is the daughter of former state director-general of police, Veerabhadraiah. Their match was fixed when he was still at IIT. His son Vikas, 25, who works for Yahoo, is keen on following in his father's footsteps and preparing to take the civil services exam. Daughter Vishalakshmi, 21, works for IBM. `Snowy', a cross-breed pomeranian, completes the family snapshot.

"I feel rich today as both my children are earning and the Sixth Pay Commission has given a huge salary increase to government servants. Earlier, it was difficult to maintain the family on a single salary. Today, my son earns more than me. My future is safe and I don't bother to save,'' says a relaxed Baligar, admitting in the same breath this is the most hectic phase in his career.

His wife believes his stint at KPTC was even worse, as it was a 24/7 job with distress calls ringing at wee hours of the night. Baligar admits to not having got "any bad postings''.

"Even the tenure at Karnataka Land Army as its head -- which meant a 10 am to 5.30 pm job -- was put to good use to learn Sudarshan Kriya.''

Ask him whether his hectic schedule makes him miss the things he wants to do and he shoots back: "Miss? I don't have time to even think that I am missing something!" He relaxes by reading and occasionally catching a movie (on DVD). He's read Nilekani's `Imaging India'. Says he, "My wife is a voracious reader and usually I ask her to give me the synopsis. The last movie we watched was `Thoda Pyaar, Thoda Magic'. The only time we took a vacation was on our silver wedding anniversary to Maldives. Every year my leave and LTA lapses.''

A self-confessed atheist and rationalist to his wife's religious bent, he says: "I tease her that for me work is worship and for her worship is work.''

An admirer of H Narasimhaiah, a rationalist, he considers former colleague Chiranjiv Singh "my guru''. "He is gentle, while I am aggressive in my behaviour. I am prone to suspend or dismiss a person who has erred, but Singh will try to reform him.''

His dam building dreams might have gone bust, but poetry lives. Most have been odes to administrative matters and to his wife like `Mounada Modi' (magic of silence). In his current job, he isn't getting much of mouna but Baligar isn't complaining.

The job he enjoyed the most

Most satisfying was definitely as deputy commissioner, Mysore district. I appointed a Dalit as temple priest and reversed the varna system so that the higher caste person had to sweep and one from the lower caste cook and bring flowers to the deity. On the first day when the Dalit took charge as priest, police had to be stationed outside the premises.

In the same posting, I helped tribals who were being harassed by rich landlords to get land. Despite police protection, the landlords were resisting. When the tribals approached me, I told them the police cannot give you protection round-the-clock. You have your billu-banas (bows and arrows), use them. When the landlords came next they were chased away by the tribals with their billu-banas.

Most embarrassing episode
When I was industries commissioner, at a meeting in Tumkur, an industrialist got up and said my assistant director had taken bribe of Rs 2,000. I immediately apologized and gave Rs 2,000 from my wallet, saying I will recover it from my junior. Later, the officer admitted to taking the amount and promised to turn over a new leaf.

Admire:

H Narasimahaiah, a rationalist

Chiranjiv Singh, retd IAS officer

De-stress:

Writing poems

Current read:

Aravind Adiga's Between the Assassinations

Favourite food:

North Karnataka

Favourite music:

Vachanas. His wife has brought out a CD titled Vachanamrit.
READ MORE - The man who would be Sir MV

Living through the pain

A tribal who is trapped between the “purification  drive” andthe Naxals in BastarMany tribals like young Sambhu Istam want to go back to their villages in Bastar. Around 20,000 of them have been living in cramped shantytowns or camps set up by the government. Since the Salwa Judum force was formed in 2005 to counter Maoists, the tribals have been cut away from their villages and their livelihood. Sometime ago, the force was termed a tribal uprising against Naxalite terror, but later the hand of the state in its formation was acknowledged. The tribals are trapped in the camps, caught between the warring sides — the state and the Naxals. Their villages have turned into battlegrounds where loyalties are difficult to prove.   

A farmer who lost his 1,000 acres to India’s ‘dream’ car and could not survive the tragedyBhonath Patra, 42, tried to survive losing his 1,000 acres to the Tatas and the car India was said to be waiting for, the Nano. He worked in a cold storage for a few weeks. But the sorrow of losing his tilled land and his failing health that made him unfit for his new job, got the better of him. One morning, he hanged himself. The police decided that the he killed himself because “he was suffering from depression because of failing health.” It was soon forgotten, but there was another death that was politicised — of 78-year-old Haradhan Bag. He is said to have consumed poison out of despair. The State Government sought an enquiry into the incident.A Kashmiri student who waited anxiously for the election results after the Amarnath clashesParvez Majeed, a postgraduate student in Srinagar University, was saddened by the clashes. When over 40 acres of forestland in Kashmir valley was to be transferred to Sri Marnath Shrine Board by the Jammu and Kashmir State Government, there were violent demonstrations both for and against it. Most political pundits and laymen like Parvez were worried that at the recent elections, the results will be based on this communal division. However, Parvez was pleasantly surprised, even stunned, by the high turnout of voters and  the election results. “People are looking at a more positive role of the government,” says Parvez, with a smile. The family that lost everything for choosing a faithOnce the mobs were through, Bipin Digal and his wife Dubojin and their three children were left at a relief camp with a bucket and mug to their name. Many Christians in Orissa’s Kandamal district lost their homes and their neighbourhood when Swami Laxmanananda Saraswati was murdered on August 23. The 19 relief camps were overflowing with over 23,000 refugees and Digal was impatient to return to his village. But he knew that no family was safe on their own. Churches were being torched and ransacked and people being hacked and burnt to death. Residents at the camp had heard that saffron flags now fluttered over their homes and churches. Even when the Centre sent 53 companies of paramilitary forces to Kandhamal, people were hesitant to return. They had been warned by the lynch mobs “to return only as Hindus”.A BPO employee who lost his job to recessionOne morning, 26-year-old Siddarth Cherian was called by his boss. Siddharth had been in the call-centre industry for the past five years and had joined this office six months ago as a project-in-charge. He knew that the recession had begun and was not surprised when the boss told him that the project was to be closed and that Siddharth will have to leave. Siddh­arth accepted it without a fight, but told the management that they should pay him a month’s salary as compensation. Things turned sour and he had to threaten the company with legal action to get what was rightfully due to him. The following months saw his savings down by half. Thankfully, his wife works. Now Siddharth has found another job, but with a pay that’s 40 per cent less than his previous package of Rs 28,000. “I am keeping my fingers crossed,” he says.The daughter that was sold to a stranger for three square mealsA baby girl of Andhra Pradesh’s Nalgonda district, was sold by her parents to someone they have never heard of — for Rs 2,000. Lavdiya Bheetni’s ninth child was luckier than thousands of the other girls in the several mandals of the district. Most girls are killed at birth. “We had to sell her,” says the helpless mother. The family of six — four daughters and a son — had nothing to eat and the sale of the their anonymous daughter, rescued them from begging on Hyderabad’s streets and saw them back to their Jodubai tanda. Bheetni’s daughter has a right to a healthy and happy life with her family under the Directive Principles of State Policy and the Convention on Rights of a Child of which India is a signatory. But the baby girl is among the thousands who were given away.  A young Indian whose life has come under the shadow of fearWhen 27-year-old Saif Imran invited his friends for Eid celebrations to his house in Jamia Nagar, three km from the spot of the September’s terrorist encounter, they were hesitant. “They were afraid if they would come under surveillance,” says Imran. Life has come under the shadow of fear since the shootout. There is the fear of the terrorists. “What if more terrorists are hiding in this area?” asks Imran. Then there is the fear of being suspected by the state. Imran’s uncle, a businessman in Uttar Pradesh, used to be a frequent visitor. These days he finishes his purchase before dusk and returns home. Youngsters like Imran, who has a degree in engineering from Jamia University, are particularly vulnerable to being suspected with reports on the changing face of terrorism — young and educated. A first-time investor who lost 90 per cent of her savings in the crashEveryone sat around candle-lit dinner tables and spoke about doubling their incomes through the share market, and a 43-year-old homemaker got excited. Let’s call her Ranjini Sharma. Well, she was a greenhorn in investing, but decided to follow her friends’ suggestions and take the plunge. She put a large part of her savings one lakh rupees in the market. Ranjini didn’t breathe a word about it to anyone in the family, expecting to give them a surprise when the fortune poured in. She was in for a big disappointment the Sensex dipped from 20,000 points to below 10,000 points. Her one-lakh investment was worth less than Rs 10,000. She is yet to share her shock with anyone in the family, afraid of the repercussions. Ranjini  has not let go of her stocks or her hope yet. A Bodo youth who is still waiting for an elusive peaceWhen serial blasts rocked Assam on October 30, Bipul Brahma’s hopes came crashing down. Till then, the government and the Bodo insurgent outfit National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) were negotiating to address the long-standing demands of the Bodo community — from autonomy to statehood. With statehood, every average Bodo youngster hoped, would come a better future. “What has the Government of India done to fulfil our demands in the last 22 years since we have waged an armed struggle against it?” says Bipul, a post-graduate in English but still  unemployed. Then the bombs went off in and around Guwahati and as the proverbial spanner jammed the peace effort between the Government and NDFB. Police say the NDFB along with ULFA had carried out the blasts with assistance from an external force. “Peace has been affected,” says Bipul.A young couple who has to start from scratch Lekha Anand, a 35 year-old housewife, has three worries. First, the falling real-estate prices. She and her sisters had bought houses worth tens of lakhs, but its value has dipped to by more than one-fifth and she fears it may fall more. Second, there is no job security. “Whenever someone has been benched, someone has been fired, everyone thinks that they could be the next to go,” says Lekha. One of her friends was waiting for the car to pick her up for work one morning. When it did not arrive, she called the office and came to know that “her services would no longer be required.” The abruptness weighs heavily on everyone’s mind. Lekha’s third worry is the couple’s retirement fund. They had invested it in a mutual fund, which has drastically fallen in value. “We need to start again,” says the mother of two.
READ MORE - Living through the pain

A Christmas away from home

Despite all these measures, celebrations were mostly restricted to the district capital Phulbani and within the safety of the relief camps

By Rajdeep Datta Roy


The riots that broke out in Orissa’s Kandhamal district in August-September following the murder of a local Hindu religious leader claimed 35 lives and left at least 20,000 Christians homeless. Churches were attacked and villages burnt as both sides took potshots at each other, though the numerical superiority of the Hindu tribals ensured that they came off better in most engagements.

At that time, and till recently, there were fears that the Christians of this scenic hill district wouldn’t be able to celebrate Christmas.

However, with the state government putting its act together after the initial inertia, 25 December passed safely. The district was flooded with at least 7,000 men of the Central Reserve Police Force and the Rapid Action Force, apart from the state constabulary. A helicopter was rumoured to have been deployed to keep an eye on any would-be party poopers, but there weren’t any reports of the whirlybird being sighted.

Despite all these measures, celebrations were mostly restricted to the district capital Phulbani and within the safety of the relief camps. In outlying villages, not only have the churches not been repaired, but many of the Christians there are either in the camps or have left the district.

Even in Phulbani, Christmas’ trademark midnight mass wasn’t celebrated as the priest of the Catholic church feared for the safety of his flock if they had to return home past midnight. Moreover, the church in Orissa voluntarily decided to keep celebrations low-key.

Back in the eight camps spread across the district, joyous scenes could be seen. Punctuated by lusty shouts of “praise the lord” and “hallelujah”, the Christians of Kandhamal celebrated Christmas wearing brand new sarees and dhotis, while the aroma of chicken curry cooking in huge vats nearby wafted in the air.

With the day passing off safely, albeit in camps, the Christians of Kandhamal are looking forward to a return to their villages and the repair of their churches so that the next Christmas is celebrated at home.

Photographs by Indranil Bhoumik / Mint
READ MORE - A Christmas away from home

Death Of A Salesman and Other Elite Ironies

TARUN J TEJPAL
Courtesy of Tehelka Magazine, Vol 5, Issue 49, Dec 13, 2008
ROHINTON MALOO was shot doing two things he enjoyed immensely. Eating good food and tossing new ideas. He was among the 13 diners at the Kandahar, Trident-Oberoi, who were marched out onto the service staircase, ostensibly as hostages. But the killers had nothing to bargain for. The answers to the big questions — Babri Masjid, Gujarat, Muslim persecution — were beyond the power of anyone to deliver neatly to the hotel lobby. The small ones — of money and materialism — their crazed indoctrination had already taken them well beyond. With the final banality of all fanaticism, flaunting the paradox of modern technology and medieval fervour — AK-47 in one hand; mobile phone in the other — the killers asked their minders, “Udan dein?” The minder, probably a maintainer of cold statistics, said, “Uda do.”
Rohinton caught seven bullets, and by the time his body was recovered, it could only be identified by the ring on his finger. Rohinton was just 48, with two teenage children, and a hundred plans. A few of these had to do with TEHELKA, where he was a strategic advisor for the last two years. As Indians, we seldom have a good word to say about the living, but in the dead we discover virtues that strain the imagination. Perhaps it has to do with a strange mix of driving envy and blinding piety. Let me just say Rohinton was charismatic, ambitious, and a man of his time, and place. The time was always now, and in his outstanding career in media marketing, he was ever at the cutting edge of the new — in the creation of Star Networks, and a score of ventures on the web. The place was always Mumbai, the city he grew up in and lived in, and he exemplified its attitudes: the hedonism, the get-go, the easy pluralism.
For me there is a deep irony in his death. He was killed by what he set very little store by. In his every meeting with us, he was bemused and baffled by TEHELKA’s obsessive engagement with politics. He was quite sure no one of his class — our class — was interested in the subject. Politics happened elsewhere, a regrettable business carried out by unsavoury characters. Mostly, it had nothing to do with our lives. Eventually, sitting through our political ranting, he came to grudgingly accept we may have some kind of a case. But he remained unconvinced of its commercial viability. Our kind of readers were interested in other things, which were germane to their lives — food, films, cricket, fashion, gizmos, television, health and the strategies of seduction. Politics, at best, was something they endured.
In the end, politics killed Rohinton, and a few hundred other innocents. In the final count, politics, every single day, is killing, impoverishing, starving, denigrating, millions of Indians all across the country. If the backdrop were not so heartbreaking, the spectacle of the nation’s elite — the keepers of most of our wealth and privilege — frothing on television screens and screaming through mobile phones would be amusing. They have been outraged because the enduring tragedy of India has suddenly arrived in their marbled precincts. The Taj, the Oberoi. We dine here. We sleep here. Is nothing sacrosanct in this country any more?
What the Indian elite is discovering today on the debris of fancy eateries is an acidic truth large numbers of ordinary Indians are forced to swallow every day. Children who die of malnutrition, farmers who commit suicide, dalits who are raped and massacred, tribals who are turfed out of centuryold habitats, peasants whose lands are taken over for car factories, minorities who are bludgeoned into paranoia — these, and many others, know that something is grossly wrong. The system does not work, the system is cruel, the system is unjust, the system exists to only serve those who run it. Crucially, what we, the elite, need to understand is that most of us are complicit in the system. In fact, chances are the more we have — of privilege and money — the more invested we are in the shoring up of an unfair state.
It is time each one of us understood that at the heart of every society is its politics. If the politics is third-rate, the condition of the society will be no better. For too many decades now, the elite of India has washed its hands off the country’s politics. Entire generations have grown up viewing it as a distasteful activity. In an astonishing perversion, the finest imaginative act of the last thousand years on the subcontinent, the creation and flowering of the idea of modern India through mass politics, has for the last 40 years been rendered infra dig, déclassé, uncool. Let us blame our parents, and let our children blame us, for not bequeathing onwards the sheer beauty of a collective vision, collective will, and collective action. In a word, politics: which, at its best, created the wonder of a liberal and democratic idea, and at its worst threatens to tear it down.
We stand faulted then in two ways. For turning our back on the collective endeavour; and for our passive embrace of the status quo. This is in equal parts due to selfish instinct and to shallow thinking. Since shining India is basically only about us getting an even greater share of the pie, we have been happy to buy its half-truths, and look away from the rest of the sordid story. Like all elites, historically, that have presided over the decline of their societies, we focus too much of our energy on acquiring and consuming, and too little on thinking and decoding. Egged on by a helium media, we exhaust ourselves through paroxysms over vacant celebrities and trivia, quite happy not to see what might cause us discomfort.
For years, it has been evident that we are a society being systematically hollowed out by inequality, corruption, bigotry and lack of justice. The planks of public discourse have increasingly been divisive, widening the faultlines of caste, language, religion, class, community and region. As the elite of the most complex society in the world, we have failed to see that we are ratcheted into an intricate framework, full of causal links, where one wrong word begets another, one horrific event leads to another. Where one man’s misery will eventually trigger another’s.
Let’s track one causal chain. The Congress creates Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale to neutralise the Akalis; Bhindranwale creates terrorism; Indira Gandhi moves against terrorism; terrorism assassinates Indira Gandhi; blameless Sikhs are slaughtered in Delhi; in the course of a decade, numberless innocents, militants, and securitymen die. Let’s track another. The BJP takes out an inflammatory rath yatra; inflamed kar sewaks pull down the Babri Masjid; riots ensue; vengeful Muslims trigger Mumbai blasts; 10 years later a bogey of kar sewaks is burnt in Gujarat; in the next week 2,000 Muslims are slaughtered; six years later retaliatory violence continues. Let’s track one more. In the early 1940s, in the midst of the freedom movement, patrician Muslims demand a separate homeland; Mahatma Gandhi opposes it; the British support it; Partition ensues; a million people are slaughtered; four wars follow; two countries drain each other through rhetoric and poison; nuclear arsenals are built; hotels in Mumbai are attacked.
IN EACH of these rough causal chains, there is one thing in common. Their origin in the decisions of the elite. Interlaced with numberless lines of potential divisiveness, the India framework is highly delicate and complicated. It is critical for the elite to understand the framework, and its role in it. The elite has its hands on the levers of capital, influence and privilege. It can fix the framework. It has much to give, and it must give generously. The mass, with nothing in its hands, nothing to give, can out of frustration and anger, only pull it all down. And when the volcano blows, rich and poor burn alike.
And so what should we be doing? Well, screaming at politicians is certainly not political engagement. And airy socialites demanding the carpet-bombing of Pakistan and the boycott of taxes are plain absurd, just another neon sign advertising shallow thought. It’s the kind of dumb public theatre the media ought to deftly side-step rather than showcase. The world is already over-shrill with animus: we need to tone it down, not add to it. Pakistan is itself badly damaged by the flawed politics at its heart. It needs help, not bombing. Just remember, when hardboiled bureaucrats clench their teeth, little children die.
Most of the shouting of the last few days is little more than personal catharsis through public venting. The fact is the politician has been doing what we have been doing, and as an über Indian he has been doing it much better. Watching out for himself, cornering maximum resource, and turning away from the challenge of the greater good.
The first thing we need to do is to square up to the truth. Acknow ledge the fact that we have made a fair shambles of the project of nation-building. Fifty million Indians doing well does not for a great India make, given that 500 million are grovelling to survive. Sixty years after independence, it can safely be said that India’s political leadership — and the nation’s elite — have badly let down the country’s dispossessed and wretched. If you care to look, India today is heartbreak hotel, where infants die like flies, and equal opportunity is a cruel mirage.
Let’s be clear we are not in a crisis because the Taj hotel was gutted. We are in a crisis because six years after 2,000 Muslims were slaughtered in Gujarat there is still no sign of justice. This is the second thing the elite need to understand — after the obscenity of gross inequality. The plinth of every society — since the beginning of Man — has been set on the notion of justice. You cannot light candles for just those of your class and creed. You have to strike a blow for every wronged citizen.
And let no one tell us we need more laws. We need men to implement those that we have. Today all our institutions and processes are failing us. We have compromised each of them on their values, their robustness, their vision and their sense of fairplay. Now, at every crucial juncture we depend on random acts of individual excellence and courage to save the day. Great systems, triumphant societies, are veined with ladders of inspiration. Electrified by those above them, men strive to do their very best. Look around. How many constables, head constables, sub-inspectors would risk their lives for the dishonest, weak men they serve, who in turn serve even more compromised masters?
I wish Rohinton had survived the lottery of death in Mumbai last week. In an instant, he would have understood what we always went on about. India’s crying need is not economic tinkering or social engineering. It is a political overhaul, a political cleansing. As it once did to create a free nation, India’s elite should start getting its hands dirty so they can get a clean country.
READ MORE - Death Of A Salesman and Other Elite Ironies

Midnight mass peaceful

Helicopter hovers over Kandhamal
- Celebrations uneventful in Orissa’s coastal areas
Bhubaneswar, Dec 27 : Midnight mass and Christmas celebrations passed peacefully in Kandhamal and parts of Orissa amid tight security.
“We had a peaceful Christmas at Kandhamal and along the coastal districts,” said archbishop of Cuttack-Bhubaneswar diocese Raphael Cheenath. The only glitch, he said, was that fear and tight security prevented residents of five Kandhamal villages from attending the midnight mass.
“As things stand now, I don’t apprehend any violence tonight,” said the visibly relieved church leader, who had sought tight security for state churches from chief minister Naveen Patnaik.
He wasn’t the only one who was relieved by the uneventful day. “Prayers in Kandhamal were incident-free,” said director-general of police (DGP) Man Mohan Praharaj, talking to The Telegraph over phone. No report of violence was received from other communally sensitive areas, he added.
DGP Praharaj went for an aerial survey on a helicopter, provided by the Centre, in Baliguda, Brahmanigaon, G-Udaygiri, Tiakabali and Raikia — in Kandhamal and bordering Gajapati.
Additional director-general Deshraj Meena and director of intelligence R.P Singh accompanied Paharaj.
The state police chief also visited Barakhama in Kandhamal that had witnessed fierce riots last Christmas in which two persons were killed.
In the morning, there was a brief moment of tension in the district as Kui tribals held a congregation under the banner of Kui Samaj Samanwaya Samiti today to commemorate the “martyrdom” of Khageswar Mallick, killed in the pre-Christmas clash between community members and non-members in 2007.
Sensing trouble, district administration clamped prohibitory orders on the area and persuaded the samaj to hold its congregation at a place away from non-Kui members, said special administrator M.S. Padhee.
The rally turned out to be a low-key affair and concluded peacefully, confirmed Kandhamal SP S. Praveen Kumar who was camping at the spot. Kumar said more than 60 churches were provided security before midnight mass, though 30 were initially identified for the purpose.
The state had witnessed widespread communal violence during August-September 2008 triggered by the murder of VHP leader Swami Laxmananda Saraswati, there were fears of a troubled Christmas.
Union home minister P. Chidambaram had called chief minister Naveen Patnaik yesterday urging him to ensure a peaceful Christmas. Prodded by the Centre, Naveen had directed police administration to take all possible steps to make the day event-free.
Security was also tightened around churches of Bhubaneswar and Cuttack.
READ MORE - Midnight mass peaceful

Govt to distribute pattas to 50,000 tribals in Lalgarh

By Kanchan Chakraborty

Kolkata, Dec 27
: With tribals in the Lalgarh area protesting against the government’s failure to implement the provisions of the Forest Right Act, 2006, the West Midnapore administration has planned to distribute pattas of vested agriculture and homestead land to the tribals under the Act.

According to District Magistrate N S Nigam, the government has planned to distribute land to 50,000 landless tribals in the region.

He said nearly 48,000 tribals from several villages in and around Lalgarh have already applied for vested land.

“The land and land reforms department has completed the necessary verification of 10,000 applications. Of which about 6,000 tribals were found eligible for vested land from the government,” said Nigam.

He said Rs 3 crore has been sanctioned for a water supply project in the tribal area, which was already being implemented, and Rs 5 crore for an irrigation project.

“For setting up of tribal hostels in the district another Rs 1 crore has been released,” he added.

The district magistrate has also asked the Lodha Sabar Kalyan Samiti, a social organisation of tribals, to talk to district officials on development projects for tribals villages.

“There are 650 backward villages in the district and most of these are located in the tribal areas. We have sought suggestions from tribal leaders and their organisations for carrying out development works in the area,” said the district magistrate. He added, “The leaders have also decided to put forth their demands.”

Meanwhile, Chattardhar Mahato, a local tribal leader, has announced to go on a day-long hunger-strike in front of the district magistrate’s office on December 30. He has alleged that the government has failed to implement the Forest Act.

“The Centre had passed the Act in 2006 for the benefit of tribals. But the district administration has not prepared any action plan according to the provisions of the Act,” Mahato said, adding that other tribal organisations will also participate in the agitation.
READ MORE - Govt to distribute pattas to 50,000 tribals in Lalgarh

Breach of land laws in Jharkhand

By Gladson Dungdung
45 adivasi families were duped into selling their lands near Bokaro, Jharkhand, lured by promises of jobs in a garment factory that was never built. This is only one of thousands of cases of adivasi land alienation in Jharkhand, 100 years after the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act prohibited transfer of adivasi lands to non-adivasis
The alienation of adivasis from their land is not a new issue in Jharkhand. According to the Ministry of Rural Development’s Annual Report 2004-2005, Jharkhand tops the list of adivasi land alienation in the country, with 86,291 cases involving 10,48,93 acres of land 
The Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908, which prohibits the transfer of adivasi land to non-adivasis, marked its 100th year on November 11, 2008, as adivasis across the state demanded immediate action against breaches in the law that have resulted in the loss of over 22,00,000 acres of land since Independence.  
The case of the adivasi village of Tetulia, located near the steel city of Bokaro, in Jharkhand, is an important example of land alienation through breach of law. The village has completely lost its identity and is now known as Bari Cooperative; 250 posh buildings have replaced the earlier mud houses and non-adivasis are now the proud owners of land that once belonged to the Santhal adivasis. Forty-five Santhal families used to live in the village but their lands were grabbed and they were forced to leave the area. The few who survive live in mud houses outside the cooperative area.  
The Bari Cooperative Society was established in 1980 by two property dealers, R K Singh and B K Singh, who approached the local adivasis with a proposal to establish a cloth factory. Besides money for their land they were also promised jobs. Finally, the dealers managed to acquire 50 acres of land for the Bari Cooperative Society for which they paid less than the promised Rs 1,000 per acre. Forty-year-old Pankisto Manjhi says: “I was given just 10 kg of rice for three acres of land.” Fagu Manjhi (60), whose 1.27 acres of land were also acquired for the cooperative, was given a job as guard for a monthly salary of Rs 800. But when the cooperative was closed, he was left high and dry. Likewise, Kari Manjhi had 9.26 acres of land of which 4.24 acres were taken by the Bari Cooperative and 2.36 acres captured by migrant Biharis. He has only 2.66 acres left with him; despite filing a case in the Bokaro Civil Court against the Bari Cooperative in 2006, nothing has happened.  
Interestingly, though the land was bought under the guise of setting up a garment factory it closed down just a few days later and the owners constructed posh buildings on the land which they sold to non-adivasis at the market rate. When the matter was brought to light, Deputy Commissioner, Bokaro, Amrendra Pratap Singh conducted an investigation in 2005 and found that 95% of the buildings had been built on adivasi land, in serious violation of the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act. Unfortunately, no action has been taken.  
Twenty-eight long years have passed since the adivasi land was grabbed in the name of a garment factory. And justice has still not been done.  
The alienation of adivasis from their land is not a new issue in the state of Jharkhand. It began in the medieval period and flourished during the British Raj. The British-Indian government introduced the zamindari system by enforcing the Permanent Settlement Act in 1793 which caused an upheaval among adivasi communities. Consequently, there was a series of adivasi uprisings in the state. The Santhal uprising in Santhal Pargana, the Kolh revolution in Kolhan, and Birsa Ulgulan in Chhotanagpur that resulted in the enforcement of three pieces of legislation -- the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908, Wilkinson’s Rules 1837, and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949. The prime objectives of these laws were protection of adivasi lands, traditional self-governance and preservation of culture. However, these laws have been seriously violated.   
In 1969, the Bihar Scheduled Areas Regulation Act was enforced for the prevention of illegal land transfers and of adivasis. An area regulation court was set up and the deputy commissioner (DC) given special rights over the sale and transfer of adivasi land. According to the provision, an adivasi could not sell or transfer land even to another adivasi without the DC’s permission.  
When the special court started functioning, a huge number of cases were registered. According to a government report, 60,464 cases concerning 85,777.22 acres of illegal transfer of land were registered till 2001-2002. Of these, 34,608 cases relating to 46,797.36 acres of land were considered for hearing, and the remaining 25,856 cases relating to 38,979.86 acres of land were dismissed.  
After the hearing, however, a mere 21,445 cases, relating to 29,829.7 acres of land, were given over to the original holders; the rest remains with non-adivasis. A total of 2,608 illegal land transfer cases were registered in 2003-2004, 2,657 cases in 2004-2005, and 3,230 cases in 2005-2006 -- clear indication of an increase in the number of cases of illegal land alienation. According to the Union Ministry of Rural Development’s Annual Report 2004-2005, Jharkhand tops the list of adivasi land alienation in the country with 86,291 cases involving 10,48,93 acres of land.
Bandi Oraon, a prominent adivasi leader and vice-chairperson of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, has conducted a study on implementation of various laws meant to protect the illegal transfer of adivasi land to non-adivasis in the state. The study was confined to 15.703 cases registered with the Ranchi collectorate with respect to adivasis living in and around Ranchi city.
The study reveals that a mere 41.46% of cases were accepted for hearing; 26.82% were rejected and 31.72% kept pending. Interestingly, however, 96% of the cases heard resulted in actual possession being given.
Non-adivasis often employ underhand methods to acquire adivasi land. The ‘best’ and most widely used trick among non-adivasis to buy adivasi land is to marry an adivasi girl and register the land in her name. Many adivasis too are forced to surrender their land to moneylenders after being trapped in the debt cycle. And, there are the usual threats, coercion and preparation of illegal documents to acquire land. Authorising the deputy commissioner for land transfers works to the disadvantage of adivasis as many non-adivasi officers justify land transfer to non-adivasis. In some cases, the courts have defined the laws in favour of non-adivasis.  
The amendment of the Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act in 1947 for the purposes of urbanisation, industrialisation and various ‘development’ projects also deprived hundreds of adivasis of their land. Indeed, the laws on land have all been misused, violated and interpreted against adivasis by policymakers, bureaucrats and non-adivasis.  
Under these mitigating circumstances, how can the issue be resolved?  
The National Advisory Council constituted by the Government of India sent a recommendation to the government on January 19, 2005, that has ample provisions to address the issue. According to the recommendation, the state is required to play a proactive role in monitoring the restoration of lands to adivasis. It calls for transparency and access to land records (at the village level) by adivasis in the local language, speedy disposal of cases where adivasis are involved, and consideration of oral evidence where records are not available. All pending land disputes must be settled at the earliest so that adivasis do not face harassment at the hands of non-adivasis, revenue officials and others. There must be regular updates of land records, regular jamabandhis and the display of revenue details at the village level. Often where lands have been restored to adivasis, non-adivasis obtain stay orders from the courts; this must be discouraged. All states with scheduled areas should have a prohibitory clause on the transfer of lands by tribals.  
The council strongly recommends that there should be no displacement of adivasis for any project (mining, energy or any other) in scheduled areas. The Land Acquisition Act may be amended in line with the PESA Act, 1996, so that the rights of people are protected in fifth schedule areas. The setting up of industries in scheduled areas without assessing their impact on the adivasi economy should stop forthwith. No agricultural land or land used for community purposes must be allowed to be transferred or purchased to set up industry. At no cost should the laws of the fifth and sixth schedules of the Constitution be considered for amendment to open up areas of control or ownership to private non-adivasi individuals, industries or institutions. The honest implementation of legislation and the recommendations of this council would go a long way in addressing the problem of tribal land alienation.  
(Gladson Dungdung is a human rights activist based in Jharkhand)  
READ MORE - Breach of land laws in Jharkhand

India's Development Strategy for Arunachal Pradesh Tribes

India's Development Strategy for Arunachal Pradesh Tribes
The starting point for the project is the recognition that tribal people, contrary to perceptions of them as guardians of tradition, are also initiators of change.”1
As we have already observed, up until the twentieth century the tribals of Arunachal Pradesh lived in virtual isolation and autonomy from the nearly all forms of outside influence. The first recorded contact with the British colonial authority was not until 1897, and this was only a brief encounter which lasted two days and had little direct effect. The first attempt by outsiders at setting up a permanent outpost in the Arunachal Pradesh region was carried out in 1948 by the Assam Rifles.2 This intrusion was promptly brought to an end when the Apa Tanis attacked and, subsequently, drove the Assamese contingent out. But this action was to signify a new era for the tribals, as their centuries of isolation were about to come to an end.
READ MORE - India's Development Strategy for Arunachal Pradesh Tribes

Why Hindu extremists target Christians

By Augustine Kanjamala 

A militant school of Hindu thought  which despises Islam and Christianity as alien creeds is growing in strength in India.

RSS volunteers on parade earlier this year.Many Westerners believe that Hinduism is exemplified by Gandhi, the saintly man who led India to independence through toleration and ahimsa, or non-violence. But there is another strain of Hinduism which is far from tolerant and dreams of reviving the martial traditions of Aryan forebears. One leading Hindu monk, the Sankaracharya of Karvipith, criticised Gandhi in 1922: “Ahimsa undermines Hindu self-respect; passive and non-resisting sufferance is a Christian and not an Aryan principle.”

Organized anti-Christian animosity and violence in India goes back to the Hindu reformist movement, Arya Samaj, and its founder Dayananda Sarasvati (1824-1883). When an American Presbyterian mission in Punjab began to attack Hinduism and denounce its superstitions, Dayananda was infuriated. His Hindu social reform movement bore some resemblance to Luther’s slogans. His mottoes included, “back to Vedas” (like “back to the Scriptures”). He introduced the Sudhi rite for reconversion to counter Christian proselytism among the Chura community of outcasts.

In 1923, a political extremist from the state of Maharashtra, V.D. Savarkar, after imprisonment for 12 years for terrorism, published his book Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? He argued that only those who are bound by the Hindu culture and uphold India as their pitrubhumi (fatherland) and punyabhumi, (holy land) should enjoy full rights. Muslims and Christians, whose holy lands are far off in Arabia and Palestine, are not children of the soil of the sub-continent. He popularized the slogan: “Hinduise all politics and militarize Hinduism”. The exclusivist Hindutva policy was radically opposed to the inclusive and secular policies of the founders of independent India.

Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, commonly known as the RSS, was founded by K.B. Hedgewar in Nagpur in 1925 to promote Savarkar’s militant nationalism. The RSS is a Hindu paramilitary group. It trained many Hindu extremists, including Mahatma Gandhi’s assassins, Nathuram Godse and his companions.

The RSS declined to enter politics directly, but it needed a sympathetic political party. So in 1951, S.P. Mookherjee, a central minister disgruntled by Nehru’s soft approach to Pakistan, formed a new party, Jana Sangh, which won elections in strongly Hindi Belt popularly known as “cow belt” areas of northern India. After the publication of a report into Christian missionary activities in 1956, a few state governments like Orissa and Madhya Pradesh passed anti-conversion and cow protection laws.

In 1977 Jana Sangh joined a coalition government dominated by the Janata Party, which was headed at the time by Morarji Desai. This led to some tensions and the Janata Party became the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP, in 1980 under the leadership of A.B. Vajpayee. As the stranglehold of the Congress Party on Indian politics weakened, the BJP grew stronger. Vajpayee subsequently served as the national Prime Minister in coalition governments twice from 1998 to 2004. The BJP has also dominated politics in a few states as well. Hindu fundamentalism was finally gaining an upper hand.

Another significant development was the appearance of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), an offshoot of the RSS created to protect Hindu culture from alien ideologies like Islam and Christianity. It was formed soon after Pope Paul VI announced his plan to attend an International Eucharistic Congress in Bombay in 1964. It advocated re-conversion of Christians and struggle against Christian missionaries. What gave this plausibility for many Hindu voters was an insurgency in the underdeveloped Northeast where Naga tribals, many of them Christians, were agitating for a separate state. The area of Jharkand in the Chotanagpur region, which also had a sizable Christian population, was making similar demands. Radical Hindus saw this as a threat manufactured by foreign Christian missionaries.

Bajrang Dal (army of Hanuman), the youth wing of the VHP, was founded in 1984 “Might is the only law I understand. Nothing else matters to me. It is a warlike situation as between Ram and Ravana,” declared its founder Praveen Togadia. Bajrang Dal is the vanguard of anti-Christian vandalism in many backward areas. Their anti-Muslim and anti-Christian hatred is popularized with the slogan: Pehele Kasai, Phir Isai (Finish first the Muslims, then the Christians).

Growth of Hindutva in Orissa

How did violent persecution of Christians spring up in Orissa, the impoverished northeastern state where several people, including priests have died, and thousands remain homeless?

With the majority of its population being tribals (52 percent) and dalits (25 percent) Kandhmal district is the poorest district in Orissa, which is the second poorest state in India. Though Christian missionaries arrived here before independence, notable conversions have taken place only in the last 40 years. From a negligible 2 percent in 1961 the number of Christians grew to 10 percent by 2001. However, on the national level the Christian population has considerably declined during the past 30 years, from 2.7 percent in 1971 to 2.3 percent in 2001. “There are laws at least in six states against forced conversion, but can you cite a single case of conviction?” Catholic Archbishop R. Cheenath of Bhubaneshwar -- whose diocese includes the Kandhamal district -- has asked politicians. The present law is so vague that no one is able to establish whether a conversion happens through force or fraud.

Hindu radicalism has grown rapidly in Orissa in recent years. In 1985 the BJP won only one seat in the Orissa Assembly. Currently it occupies 37 seats and heads 8 ministries in a coalition government.

Organised hostility against Christians began with the arrival of Swami Laxmananda Saraswati, a member of the VHP, in the Kandhamal district in 1969. He opened an ashram, and imitating the Christian missionaries, organized around 250 schools for tribal children and other social services. Their education emphasizes study of the Vedas, the Hindu scriptures, and sanskritization. His sphere of aggressive activities included anti-missionary propaganda, reconversion of Christians to Hinduism by threats and an anti-cow slaughter drive.

In 1969 Laxmananda also launched an aggressive campaign to convert the Kandha tribals and to achieve “forced reconversion” of Christians. He, in line with a few other Hindu scholars, argued that tribal people are backward Hindus. The tribals, who kill cows, eat meat and worship spirits were traditionally despised. Though they have little in common with the vegetarian Hindus, they have been manipulated by Hindu extremists to attack dalit Christians (an untouchable class). The landless dalit Christians are accused of occupying tribal land and getting employment with false certificates.

In the last decade, violence has become endemic. In 1998 around 5,000 Sangh activists attacked the Christian dominated Ramgiri-Udaygiri villages in Gajapati district, setting fire to 92 houses, a church and police station. A 58-year-old Australian missionary, Graham Staines and his two young sons, Philip and Timothy, aged 10 and 6, were burned to death in January 1999. Their crime was that Staines had served outcaste lepers for 25 years -- and this was construed as inducement for conversion to Christianity. A young Catholic priest, Arul Doss, who had been working with the Ho tribe, was brutally murdered in September of the same year. A Catholic nun was raped in the following year.

The immediate provocation

On Christmas day 2007, instigated by Swami Laxmananda, extremists attacked Orissa Christians. In a month of violence, six people died and many houses, churches and prayer halls were destroyed. Thousands were made homeless. Bulky police files have provided ample proof that Laxmananda intended to wipe out Christianity in Orissa.

In August this year the 84-year-old guru and four of his followers were gunned down by 30 masked Maoist Liberation Guerrilla Army as a reprisal for “fascist” activities. The Maoists claimed responsibility but the VHP immediately blamed the local Christians. The day after 35 Christian centres were attacked simultaneously. Two Protestant pastors were murdered; a priest and nun were severely beaten and paraded semi-naked through the town as police looked on. The nun was later pack-raped. A 19-year-old Hindu girl, Rajni Manjhi, was burned alive because her attackers thought she was a nun. Other priests were severely beaten and burned and an indigenous Catholic priest, Fr Bernard Digal, succumbed to injuries two months later. Dozens more churches and prayer halls were torched, along with nearly 4,500 houses. Thousands of terrified Christians fled into forests. Currently over 15,000 Christians are living in refuge camps, mostly in 40 schools.

The coalition state government did very little, as the BJP threatened to withdraw its support unless the extremists were left alone. Only after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was berated during his visit to the US and Europe at the end of September were steps were taken by the central government to douse the violence. The PM declared that Orissa was a “national shame”. Slowly the situation was brought under control. So far 575 culprits, including three alleged rapists of the nun, have been arrested. But demands to ban the VHP and the Bajrang Dal -- even by a few central ministers and prominent political leaders -- have been ignored.

What is the real story behind allegations of forced conversions of Hindus to Christianity? The Indian constitution guarantees the right to practice and propagate one’s religion and conversion is a necessary corollary to this right. If poor and illiterate tribals and dalits are capable of voting and choosing governments, surely they must be capable of choosing their religion. Conversion is a legitimate act of social liberation from the Hindu oppressive caste culture.

Hinduism is not essentially intolerant. There have been great sages like Swami Vivekananda who preached his exalted Advaita spirituality to the “brothers and sisters of America” in Chicago in 1893 during the World Parliament of Religions. Unfortunately there also exist many fanatics who are prepared to force Christians to tonsure their heads, drink holy cow urine mixed with cow dung (for purification) and to forcibly reconvert them to Hinduism. A minuscule minority of enlightened Hindus have been advocating religious freedom during these turbulent days, while a moderate silent majority enjoy the benefits of Christian services in various fields while ignoring appallingly violent persecution in remote areas of the country.

India desperately needs the enlightenment for which the Hindu Bengali poet and Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore prayed: “Into that heaven of freedom, my Father, let my country awake”.

Dr Augustine Kanjamala is a Catholic priest who is currently director of the Institute of Indian Culture affiliated to the University of Bombay. He worked in Orissa for four years.
READ MORE - Why Hindu extremists target Christians

Ensure peace on Xmas, Centre tells Orissa govt, rushes troops

New Delhi, Dec 25 : Even though Sangh Parivaar outfits, including VHP, have withdrawn their call for Christmas bandh in Orissa, the Centre remains concerned over a congregation being planned by Kui tribals in Kandhamal on Wednesday to commemorate the killing of their leader in communal riots in December last year.

Union home minister P Chidambaram, who has spoken twice to chief minister Naveen Patnaik in the last couple of days, has committed extra Central forces to keep vigil at Christian institutions and a helicopter for air surveillance of riot-hit Kandhamal and Sambhalpur districts.

Mr Chidambaram, in a statement issued on Wednesday, asked the state government to put all the resources at its disposal to ensure that peace prevails between communities during the festival. The home minister also made a personal appeal to the people of Orissa to maintain communal harmony.

“The situation in Orissa has been engaging the attention of the Central government in the last two weeks,” Mr Chidambaram noted in the statement. It be recalled that several Sangh outfits under the aegis of Swami Lakhmananda Saraswati Shraddhanjali Samiti (SLSSS) had earlier given a call for Orissa bandh on December 25 to press for action against the killers of the VHP leader who was murdered on August 23.

The bandh had raised concerns among the Christian leaders who shared their apprehensions regarding the safety of Christians and their institutions with various leaders, including Congress president Sonia Gandhi and Mr Naveen Patnaik.

However, following the intervention of senior BJP leader L K Advani as well as the Orissa chief minister, who assured the Sangh outfits that 7 persons suspected of murdering Saraswati had been arrested, the SLSSS decided to withdraw its bandh call.

When Mr Chidambaram called up Mr Patnaik on Wednesday to know the status, he was reassured by the latter that there would be no bandh in Orissa on December 25.

Nevertheless, the Centre has asked the state to mount vigil at minority pockets and institutions with the help of the large number of Central forces available in the state. This includes 24 companies of CRPF deployed for counter-Naxalite duties and an additional 49 companies of CRPF and 4 companies of RAF sent to the state in the wake of communal violence following the murder of VHP leader Swami Laxmananda Saraswati.

On Wednesday, the Centre also dispatched a helicopter for patrolling over Kandhamal and Sambhalpur districts. “The Central government is in constant touch with the state government,” Mr Chidambaram said, adding that he had requested the chief minister to keep him posted on the developments. “I.have offered him further assistance, if necessary....I have impressed upon him that it is the responsibility of the state government to maintain law and order and protect the lives and property of all sections of the people in the state,” he stated.

Appealing to the people of Orissa to maintain peace and harmony, Mr Chidambaram underlined that “Christmas is celebrated in many countries of the world, including India, as a day of joy, happiness and peace. I am confident that the government of Orissa will ensure that December 25 and the days following will be marked by peace and harmony.”

The SLSSS had originally given the bandh call seeking the arrest of all assailants behind Saraswati’s killing. However, after being assured that 7 arrests had been made and the state government would do its best to solve the case, the SLSSS decided against casting a shadow on Christmas celebrations in the state and revoked its bandh call.

However, there remains some concern over a plan by the Kui Samaj Samanwaya Samiti to hold a congregation in Barkhama to mark the first death anniversary of its leader, Khageswar Mallick, who was killed in communal violence on December 25 last year.

Barkhama, where the Kui Samaj Samanwaya Samiti wants to hold the congregation, had been singed by communal riots soon after.

The Kui Samaj Samanwaya Samiti, which is headed by Lambodar Kanhar and represents the majority Kuis, says it would “certainly” commemorate Mallick’s death anniversary.
READ MORE - Ensure peace on Xmas, Centre tells Orissa govt, rushes troops